Walter Kaufmann, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter Google Books. Portugal como Destino seguido de Mitologia da Saudade. Lisboa: Gradiva. Paris: Fund.
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Calouste Gulbenkian - Centro Cult. Neste, Nout Van Den. Vida triste: Slauerhoff en de fado. Amsterdam: Prominent. Pratas, Maria Albertina Matos da Silva. Schlegel, Friedrich. Progressive Universalpoesie. Schneider, Reinhold. Berlin: Union Verlag Berlin. Das Erdbeben. Leipzig: Hegner. Spengler, Oswald. Edwin Franden Dakin; Transl.
Charles Francis Atkinson. New York: Alfred A. Zimmermann, Ingo. The last king of thy people disappear. Deep down roars a current of hidden grievances. Let me venture it, Des deutschen Ruhms Urkunde aus den Wogen To hold the document of German glory high above the waves, Empor zu halten, an die Rettung glaubend.
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By Miguel Martinez. Literary Lisbon. By Oona Patrick. The Nature of Poetry - Summary. By Sveinn Yngvi Egilsson. By Denise Saive. Download file. Remember me on this computer. They conceal the perspective and actions of the colonised and provide ideologically biased descriptions. However, what does this exactly mean? When, specifically, should we take colonial sources with a pinch of salt, and how exactly do we read them against the grain?
Furthermore, what do we gain from working with biased sources? These are the questions that I will address in this paper. For studies on the history of health and medicine in the German colonies2 the Medizinalberichte provide an important point of departure, as they promise a systematic survey of the main challenges and projects in colonial health policy. In the following paper I will show why the Medizinalberichte do not easily deliver on this promise. Highlighting some basic assumptions of the reports, I argue that these must be read critically and I demonstrate how this is possible.
They were compiled and edited annually by the German Colonial Office and include reports on each German colony regarding the activities in health and medical policy.
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From on, however, the Medizinalberichte were circulated as inde- pendent and extensive publications, ranging from to pages each. These later Medical Reports form a small collection of almost uniformly shaped hardcover volumes. Their more or less corresponding internal order suggests a system- atic approach. The Medizinalberichte are presented as a body of time- less validity and authority, as a substantial and nearly complete documentation of Ger- man colonial medical activities, carefully, systematically and consistently compiled.
However, looks can be deceiving. Some Medical Reports are structured along a regional classification, others along disease categories; some reports start with statistical surveys, others do not. Thus, the Medizinalberichte are rather an expression of the inconsistencies and constant exper- imentation with and reordering of colonial structures. They are an expression of the limits of colonial power and of colonial reports.
The modest number of colonial doctors could only report on the regions in which they were stationed; they were unable to assess the health of the overall population. The case of German East Af- rica demonstrates the limited scope of their power: in , only two doctors had been appointed in the region; in , twenty-six doctors; shortly before the outbreak of the First World War, fifty-five doctors were on the ground. Therefore the early Medizinalberichte were edited by the Kolonial-Abteilung, the later by the Reichskolonialamt. All translations are by the author. For this, see among others: Eckart, Medizin und Kolonialimperialis- mus, — Still, it is far from self-evident: one could also think of differentiating statistics and case studies as well as medical treatment and facilities along the lines of gender, age, region of birth, occupation, and many additional criteria.
This is a fact that must not be taken for granted, but instead needs to be explained or, as Bruno Latour would put it, to be un-blackboxed. It followed the divisions that pervaded many domains of German rule in East Africa, most importantly colonial law. An overall plan for controlling malaria in German East Africa did not exist. Usually, the physician in charge of a certain region would autonomously decide which measures to administer, selecting from a wide range of possibilities. In most places, medical staff aimed to reduce the amount of stagnant water, which was believed to serve as breeding places for anopheles mosquitoes.
For the same reason, bush was cut down in other re- gions, the use of quinine as a prophylaxis against malaria was encouraged, and blood testing was utilized in order to identify and subsequently treat individuals infected with malaria. The Dar es Salaam program started in , its pendant in Tanga four years later, and both followed the same ra- tionale: the cities were divided into working districts five large sections consisting altogether of 22 smaller sectors in Dar es Salaam; three sections in Tanga in which the medical staff would assess the prevalence of malaria by regularly visiting inhabit- ants and collecting their blood samples.
Later attempts to prevent malaria focused on mosquito control through nets, larvicide, and the drainage of swamps. The campaign in Tanga had the same fate; it was discarded as ineffective shortly before the outbreak of the First World War. Admittedly, the Dar es Salaam malaria commission not only toured districts inhabited by Africans and Asians, but also the part of the city populated mainly by Europeans.
Since anopheles mosquitoes were frequent in the district inhabited by Europeans and hence could, if provided with infectious matter, transmit the disease to Europeans, Dr. Mosquitoes were conceived of solely as the link between the source and its victim. Interestingly, this idea clashed with contemporary medical knowledge about the aetiology of malaria. Around , medical scientists had agreed on the premise that the transmission of malaria parasites from one human to another was only possible through the bite of the anopheles mosquito. The practice of malaria control, however, reveals that this conception of the cycle had been trans- formed.
In fact, it was no longer a cycle, but was moulded into a chain with a clear starting point and, more importantly, a clear end. At its beginning stood the cause of infection, the Coloured, and at its end the alleged victim of infection, the European.
Not only did Dr. However, the practice of malaria control confirmed, reproduced, and enforced these distinctions by supporting them with arguments of disease control. Therefore, accord- ing to medical reasoning, Coloureds and Europeans had to be separated in order to prevent the latter from being infected. The music then rises in steps, becoming more insistent with each one. In bar 41 it drops to piano , but you can feel the worry and agitation in the music that Beethoven asks the fingers to play.
A sorrowful descending four-note motif, taken from the outline of bar 3, enters over and also under constant quavers, before being presented in unison just before the double bar. Those improvisatory slow arpeggios return at the beginning of the development section, and also in the middle of it, heralding one of the most haunting moments in all of the sonatas. Here Beethoven finally does give us that recitative, asking it to be played con espressione e semplice and, according to Czerny, with the pedal held throughout.
The second one, with the penetrating D flat after the C major chord, is especially poignant. When the Allegro returns, the staccato chords, articulated by rests, are full of suspense. There is no deliverance for the restless soul. Its character is noble, its effect soothing. Like the preceding movement, it also begins with a broken chord, and has a turn as a key element in the melody.
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And there is still that distant rumbling—this time a drum-like figure that must be played lightly and clearly. The dolce melody that appears in bar 31 I find heartbreaking in its eloquent simplicity. It speaks with infinite tenderness. The third and final movement enters hauntingly, with a hypnotic theme that is much harder to play than it looks. Do not put the second finger on the second note of the left hand! That is not what Beethoven wrote. You have to skip quickly and with the minimum amount of movement to the fourth finger for the tied A.
The tempo marking, Allegretto , is not fast. Despite the fact that Beethoven is alleged to have composed this after seeing a man galloping by his window on a horse, excessive speed is not called for. The tragic feeling continues right to the end, with the music disappearing into the void. I daresay you could equate certain passages in the sonata with happenings in the play without too much difficulty. What I do feel when performing this personal favourite among the Beethoven sonatas is that it speaks somehow in a different way.
When you hum the beginning to tell people which one it is, they often look at you with blank eyes showing no recognition whatsoever. That must be some sort of a record. The trick is to not make it obvious. Often playing the simplest music is the hardest thing, and I think this is one of the best examples of that.
The great Edwin Fischer recounted that this Andante stumped him until he heard it played with great naturalness by a young girl. The third of these four-bar phrases is a beautiful lied, firmly rooted in the tonic key, which then makes a glorious switch to C major. After some delicate variations on the opening eight bars, Beethoven pounces in on this gentle scene with an Allegro in C major so that C major in bar 13 was just a tease before the real thing?
The hands race after each other and, yes, repeatedly pounce on their prey. When the gentle theme returns, it is warmly presented on the repeat by the left hand. The simplest of codas rounds off this introductory movement. The Allegro molto e vivace , in C but this time in the minor mode, enters immediately with broken chords in triplet formation in both hands, jumping from one register to another. It has to give the impression of being both controlled and unsettled at the same time, helped by the slightest of articulations between the triplet groups.
I have never been on a horse, but I can certainly imagine myself on one in the humorous A flat major middle section. When C minor returns, the right hand is syncopated over an on-beat staccato left hand—a very effective way of bringing this movement to its exciting conclusion. Its naive beginning is very deceptive. Following the ominous scherzo, Beethoven gives us—but oh, ever so briefly! The darkness of the low register in which this Adagio con espressione begins is then dispelled when the subject is presented for the second time an octave higher, with the addition of a semiquaver accompaniment in the alto voice.
Character is the thing, not speed. After a dramatic pause, the expansive slow melody returns, but this time in the tonic key of E flat. We are truly home. Well, almost. It has been recounted that when Beethoven improvised for his friends, he would often interrupt the most poignant and expressive moments with crude laughter.
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That he does here, tacking on a breathless Presto coda that leaves us laughing ourselves. It is certainly the most interesting of all the sonatas with that diminutive title, but should not be mistakenly thought of as easy. Presto alla tedesca is his marking for the first movement. Beethoven wrote three sets of German dances in the s, and later also included one in the fourth movement of his Op quartet.
The coda is particularly attractive. The last movement breezes along, interrupted by some rambunctious and humorous episodes, and, just to keep us on our toes, a theme which is slightly varied each time it appears. That nobleness—every interpreter of his music must keep that in mind, and perhaps nowhere more than in these last sonatas. Is it not true that the older we get, the more we realize both the importance of our early years and the impact various influences had on us?